This article was written as part of the combat disinformation.
"Ukraine attacks Russia!” was the surreal headline on a report in the 22 February edition of Informer, Serbia’s biggest-selling tabloid. That headline was not a one-off, it was an expression of the Putinophilia that has been strong in Serbia for years. This story was also mentioned in the BBC’s report on the events the day before as an example of Russian disinformation. “There is no evidence to suggest that any of these things happened, but officials are forced to deny any claim, no matter how absurd or unlikely,” BBC correspondent Paul Adams wrote on 21 February. Towards the end of the article, Informer also published brief information that the Ukrainian government denied the attacks on Russia and called the reports fabricated.
The first version of the front page of Večernje novosti, another pro-government newspaper, from 22 February, also published information about the murder of five Ukrainian soldiers. That information was removed from the printed version that was available in Belgrade that day, probably after it was marked as fake news. The front page of the Informer a day later, on 23 February, reported that “Putin checkmated Ukraine”, and that, the day after Russia recognized the independence of Donetsk and Lugansk, the Ukrainians are backing down and that “there would be no war”. As most of the world condemned Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, much of the media in Serbia turned to the glorification of Russia’s actions. Tabloids, web portals, dailies, weeklies, and national television channels celebrated the destruction of Ukrainian cities and gave wholehearted support to Russian armed forces. The killing of civilians, the leveling of cities, and the destruction of cultural monuments appeared to fill some of Serbia’s editors with enthusiasm and exuberance.
Pro-Russia rallies took place in Belgrade, at which the crowd cheered Putin and the letter Z was scrawled on the asphalt. The rest of the world shuddered as it watched real-time coverage of corpses on the streets of Bucha, civilians sheltering from Russian shells in underground stations, and millions of refugees fleeing their country, but instead of compassion for innocent victims, understanding for the criminals seemed the response of Putin’s Serbian fans.
If President Aleksandar Vučić’s allies in the Serb media appear sanguine about death and destruction in Ukraine, he claims that the country is politically neutral. Serbia has grudgingly voted in favor of the UN general assembly’s resolutions condemning Russia’s use of force in the illegal annexation of Ukrainian territory. But the Vučić government has repeatedly refused to back western sanctions against Russia. European officials, US senators, and various envoys have flocked to Vučić, telling him that it was time to choose: would Serbia be part of Europe or an ally of Russia? Despite all the pressure, Vučić keeps Serbia in limbo.
But there can be no neutrality when it comes to Russia’s campaign against Ukraine. To remain neutral while an executioner butchers a victim means morally siding with the executioner.
Serbia’s attitude towards the war in Ukraine requires additional context. Whereas in other countries, the Russian state-owned news agency, Sputnik, and the Russian TV channel RT diffuse the Kremlin’s propaganda, in Serbia most of the domestic media act as if they themselves are part of the Russian machinery under the command of the Kremlin’s communications supervisors. The problem is not limited to the media. Serbia has never renounced the Greater Serbia nationalist ideology that led to the wars of the former Yugoslavia. The one exception was the short premiership of Zoran Đinđić, but that was cut short by his assassination in 2003.
Today’s Serb political leaders were participants in the wars of the 1990s. Vučić was a high-ranking official of the Serbian Radical party of convicted war criminal Vojislav Šešelj. His coalition partner Ivica Dačić, leader of the Socialist party of Serbia, was Slobodan Milošević’s spokesman. One of Vučić’s closest associates, the minister of the interior, Aleksandar Vulin, began his career as a functionary of the Yugoslav Left, the party founded by Milošević’s late wife, Mirjana Marković. Today’s minister for European integration, Jadranka Joksimović, worked on the Serbian Radical party’s magazine, Velika Srbija, whose title (Greater Serbia) speaks for itself.
Serbian political leaders still don’t publicly acknowledge Srebrenica as genocide. If at all, they refer to the “terrible crimes” committed. But there has been no dealing with the past at the state level. On the contrary, political, media, cultural, church, and social elites continue to deny Serbian responsibility for war crimes. Serbia’s recent historical revisionism suggests that it was Serbs who were the victims, never the criminals. Internationally convicted Serb war criminals return home after serving their sentences and are given heroes’ welcomes, sinecures, and media space to expound their version of the truth, which The Hague tribunal was of course, unable to understand.
Murals sport the image of Ratko Mladić often with the slogan “Serbian hero” in cities all over Serbia. Anyone who speaks about Serbian crimes is smeared as a traitor by a media lynch mob. At the Serbian war crimes prosecutor’s office, 2,500 cases have been languishing at the pre-trial investigation stage for years. According to estimates by the Humanitarian Law Center in Belgrade, at least 6,000 unconvicted war criminals freely walk the streets of Serbian cities.
For far-right Serb nationalists, the current state of peace in the Balkans is temporary, just like the borders. They still dream of a great Serbian state that will encompass Kosovo, Montenegro, Republika Srpska, and parts of Croatia. The realization of that dream is not possible as things stand, but the nationalists are patient. After defeat in the Yugoslav wars, they retreated to lick their wounds, fuel hatred towards their neighbors, and keep the population in a state of combat readiness via the media. That they must bide their time until international circumstances change has been one of the main narratives of Russian propaganda for the Serbian market filtered through parts of the Serb media for more than two decades.
Serb ultra-nationalists have waited for Russia to enter into a decisive conflict with the western antichrist, to defeat godless Europe, and the USand to establish a different world order. They have placed their faith in Putin as a messiah and imagine him as an upgraded version of Slobodan Milošević: the ruler of a powerful empire with a nuclear arsenal at his disposal.
When Russia invaded Ukraine, Putin’s followers here thought their hour had come; this was the beginning of the great upheaval in which the old order would be razed and from its ruins, a world would arise where sovereignty, borders, and international treaties were of no import. Instead of international law and other western trifles, the law of the jungle would prevail, as authoritarian tradition dictates. States such as Serbia, favored by the world’s ruler enthroned in the Kremlin would gain the right to finish what they started three decades ago to finally create the enlarged state for which they have been longing for centuries, to fit their own imagined grandeur.
Lauding Russia’s criminal aggression against a sovereign country may seem strange to the uninformed. But for those of us who live in the heart of darkness, a country whose heroes are Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, and Ratko Mladić, we expect nothing better. Those who still believe conspiracy theories about the 1994 massacre in Sarajevo’s Markale that it was staged and the dismembered corpses were actually dummies, will easily believe similar propaganda about the massacres of civilians in Bucha. If media hyenas can deride the victims of the Srebrenica genocide on primetime TV, why would they grieve for the victims of Putin’s crimes? As the great Serbian writer and thinker, Radomir Konstantinović said in 1991: “We live in a world (if this is living) in which the monstrous is coming to be natural, and the natural monstrous.” His diagnosis of Serbia has, unfortunately, lost none of its accuracy.
This article is part of a series, published in collaboration with Voxeurop, featuring perspectives on the invasion of Ukraine from the former Soviet bloc and bordering countries. Be informed. Participate. Talk. Provide support. We believe that news is a public good; the support of our readers will ensure that our blog remains independent. Reporting on Europe and the world from a European point of view, encouraging the exchange of ideas across borders and languages: this is the enormous journalistic task we have undertaken and the civic adventure we invite you to undertake. Let's create a benchmark for European media of civil society and citizens.
Links to published articles:
Voice of America, 2 March 2022, https://www.glasamerike.net/a/srbija-lazne-vesti-ukrajina-rusija-rat-pandemija/6466774.html
European Western Balkan https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2022/03/23/rooting-for-russia-then-blaming-the-west-evolution-of-serbian-tabloids-reporting-on-the-war-in-ukraine/
Voice of America, 2. March 2022, https://www.glasamerike.net/a/srbija-lazne-vesti-ukrajina-rusija-rat-pandemija/6466774.html
Istinomer, 11. Mart 2022, https://www.istinomer.rs/facebook-provere/razvijanje-biohemijskog-oruzja-za-unistenje-rusa-reciklirana-teorija-zavere/
Istinomer, https://www.istinomer.rs/facebook-provere/razvijanje-biohemijskog-oruzja-za-unistenje-rusa-reciklirana-teorija-zavere/
Istraga - Ukrajina napala Rusiju!
Ovaj članak je napisan u sklopu borbe protiv dezinformacija.
Ova je priča spomenuta i u BBC-jevom izvješću o događajima dan ranije kao primjer ruske dezinformacije. "Nema dokaza koji upućuju na to da se bilo koja od ovih stvari dogodila, ali dužnosnici su prisiljeni poreći bilo kakvu tvrdnju, bez obzira koliko apsurdna ili malo vjerojatna", napisao je 21. veljače dopisnik BBC-ja Paul Adams. Pred kraj teksta Informer je objavio i kratku informaciju da je ukrajinska vlada demantirala napade na Rusiju i nazvala izvješća izmišljenima.
Prva verzija naslovnice Večernjih novosti, još jednog provladinog lista, od 22. veljače također je objavila informaciju o ubojstvu petorice ukrajinskih vojnika. Ta je informacija uklonjena iz tiskane verzije koja je tog dana bila dostupna u Beogradu, vjerojatno nakon što je označena kao lažna vijest. Naslovnica Informera dan kasnije, 23. veljače, objavila je da je “Putin šah-matirao Ukrajinu”, a dan nakon što je Rusija priznala neovisnost Donjecka i Luganska, Ukrajinci se povlače i da “rata ne bi bilo”.
Odnos Srbije prema ratu u Ukrajini zahtijeva dodatni kontekst. Dok u drugim zemljama ruska državna novinska agencija Sputnik i ruski TV kanal RT šire propagandu Kremlja, u Srbiji se većina domaćih medija ponaša kao da su i sami dio ruske mašinerije pod zapovjedništvom Kremlja. Problem naravno nije ograničen samo na medije. Srbija se nikada nije odrekla velikosrpske nacionalističke ideologije koja je dovela do ratova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Jedina iznimka bila je kratka premijerska vladavina Zorana Đinđića, ali to je prekinuto njegovim ubojstvom 2003. godine.
Današnje srpske političke vođe bile su sudionice ratova devedesetih. Vučić je bio visoki dužnosnik Srpske radikalne stranke osuđenog ratnog zločinca Vojislava Šešelja. Njegov koalicijski partner Ivica Dačić, čelnik Socijalističke partije Srbije, bio je glasnogovornik Slobodana Miloševića. Jedan od najbližih Vučićevih suradnika, ministar unutarnjih poslova Aleksandar Vulin, karijeru je započeo kao dužnosnik Jugoslavenske ljevice, stranke koju je osnovala Miloševićeva pokojna supruga Mirjana Marković. Današnja ministrica za europske integracije Jadranka Joksimović radila je u časopisu Srpske radikalne stranke Velika Srbija, čiji naziv (Velika Srbija) govori sam za sebe. Srpski politički lideri još uvijek javno ne priznaju Srebrenicu kao genocid. Suočavanja s prošlošću na državnoj razini nije bilo. Naprotiv, političke, medijske, kulturne, crkvene i društvene elite i dalje negiraju odgovornost Srbije za ratne zločine. Nedavni povijesni revizionizam u Srbiji sugerira da su Srbi bili žrtve, a ne zločinci. Međunarodno osuđeni srpski ratni zločinci vraćaju se kući nakon odslužene kazne, pa bivaju dočekani kao heroji i dobivaju medijski prostor da iznesu svoju verziju istine za koju vjeruju da Haaški sud, naravno, nije mogao razumjeti.
Za ekstremno desne srpske nacionaliste mir na Balkanu samo je privremen, baš kao što su i granice. I dalje sanjaju veliku srpsku državu koja će obuhvaćati Kosovo, Crnu Goru, Republiku Srpsku i dijelove Hrvatske. Ostvarenje tog sna nije sada moguće, ali nacionalisti su strpljivi. Nakon poraza u jugoslavenskim ratovima povukli su se kako bi lizali rane, raspirivali mržnju prema susjedima i putem medija držali stanovništvo u stanju borbene pripravnosti. ‘Moramo čekati dok se međunarodne okolnosti ne promijene‘, jedan je od glavnih narativa ruske propagande plasiran na srpsko tržište, a koji se filtrira kroz dijelove srpskih medija više od dva desetljeća.
Srpski ultranacionalisti čekali su da Rusija uđe u ‘odlučujući sukob sa zapadnim antikristom, da porazi bezbožnu Europu i SAD i uspostavi drugačiji svjetski poredak‘. Povjerovali su u Putina kao mesiju i zamišljaju ga kao nadograđenu verziju Slobodana Miloševića: vladara moćnog carstva s nuklearnim arsenalom na raspolaganju.
Kada je Rusija napala Ukrajinu, Putinovi sljedbenici mislili su da je došao njihov čas; to je bio početak velikog preokreta u kojem će stari poredak biti srušen i iz njegovih ruševina nastati svijet u kojem suverenitet, granice i međunarodni ugovori nisu bili važni. Umjesto međunarodnog prava i ostalih zapadnjačkih sitnica, zavladao bi zakon džungle, kako autoritarna tradicija nalaže. Države poput Srbije, kako oni vjeruju omiljene od strane vladara ustoličenog u Kremlju, stekle bi pravo da dovrše ono što su započele prije tri desetljeća
Hvaljenje ruske zločinačke agresije na suverenu zemlju neupućenima može izgledati čudno. Ali, kako kaže mi koji živimo u srcu tame, zemlje čiji su heroji Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić i Ratko Mladić, ne očekujemo ništa bolje.
Oni koji još uvijek vjeruju u teorije zavjere o masakru na sarajevskim Markalama 1994. godine da je namješten i da su raskomadani leševi zapravo lutke, lako će povjerovati sličnoj propagandi o masakru civila u Buči. Ako se medijske hijene mogu rugati žrtvama genocida u Srebrenici u udarnom TV terminu, zašto bi žalile za žrtvama Putinovih zločina? Kako je veliki srpski pisac i mislilac Radomir Konstantinović rekao 1991. godine: “Živimo u svijetu (ako je ovo život) u kojem čudovišno postaje prirodno, a prirodno čudovišno.” Njegova dijagnoza Srbije, nažalost, nije ništa izgubila na točnosti.
Ovaj je članak dio serije, objavljene u suradnji s Voxeuropom, koja prikazuje perspektive invazije na Ukrajinu iz bivšeg sovjetskog bloka i susjednih zemalja. Budite informirani. Sudjelujte. Razgovarajte. Pružite podršku. Vjerujemo da su vijesti javno dobro; podrška naših čitatelja osigurat će da naš blog ostane neovisan. Izvještavanje o Europi i svijetu s europskog stajališta, poticanje razmjene ideja preko granica i jezika: ovo je golemi novinarski zadatak koji smo preuzeli i građanska avantura na koju vas pozivamo. Stvorimo mjerilo za europske medije civilnog društva i građana.
Poveznice na objavljene članke:
Glas Amerike, 2. mart 2022., https://www.glasamerike.net/a/srbija-lazne-vesti-ukrajina-rusija-rat-pandemija/6466774.html
European Western Balkans https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2022/03/23/rooting-for-russia-then-blaming-the-west-evolution-of-serbian-tabloids-reporting-on-the-war-in-ukraine/
Glas Amerike, 2. mart 2022., https://www.glasamerike.net/a/srbija-lazne-vesti-ukrajina-rusija-rat-pandemija/6466774.html
Istinomer, 11. mart 2022, https://www.istinomer.rs/facebook-provere/razvijanje-biohemijskog-oruzja-za-unistenje-rusa-reciklirana-teorija-zavere/
Istinomer, https://www.istinomer.rs/facebook-provere/razvijanje-biohemijskog-oruzja-za-unistenje-rusa-reciklirana-teorija-zavere/
ReplyDeleteWestern Balkans are strongly affected by the negative consequences of the war in Ukraine, which significantly changed the context of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), it is stated in the resolution adopted by the European Parliament on the plenary session held on 18 January.
With 407 votes in favor, 92 votes against and 142 abstentions, MPs adopted the resolution based on the annual report on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy for 2022, drafted by David McAllister, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET).
The European Parliament highlighted the threat posed by the “unjustified military aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine ” to European and global security and which “significantly changed the geopolitical context of the EU’s common foreign and security policy (CFSP).” The war in Ukraine is said to have caused a great deal of destruction and suffering, exacerbating economic and food insecurity, as well as energy and climate crises in many areas of the world.
The war in Ukraine poses a threat to the stability of many EU member states, as well as those in its neighborhood. In this context, the resolution particularly emphasizes the countries of the Western Balkans and the Eastern Partnership, which “are in need of peaceful conflict resolution, improved stability and security and increased mutual cooperation.”
In the part of the resolution that refers to Serbia, the members of the EP expressed their regret for the continued low level of alignment with the CFSP, especially regarding the war in Ukraine. They stressed “the importance of the full alignment of Western Balkan countries with the EU’s foreign and security policy, especially its policy of sanctions against third countries.”
European Parliament “reiterates its position that further negotiating chapters should be opened only when Serbia strengthens its commitment to reform in the areas of democracy and rule of law and demonstrates full alignment with the CFSP” and “recalls that Serbia, as a country that strives towards European integration, has to adhere to the EU’s common values and rights,” it is stated in the resolution.
The resolution welcomed candidate status being granted to Bosnia and Herzegovina and urged the political actors to show commitment toward implementing the necessary reforms and fulfilling the 14 key priorities on the country’s path towards the EU. The European Parliament also called on the Commission and the EEAS “to assist Bosnia and Herzegovina in swiftly implementing the key priorities and in preventing backsliding into nationalistic policies of the past.”
An amendment denouncing secessionist rhetoric and actions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including celebrations of national holidays proclaimed unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court, was adopted as well. The same paragraph proposes targeted sanctions against Milorad Dodik and other high-ranking officials of Republika Srpska and third-country officials “providing political and material support for secessionist policies.”
ReplyDeleteAmendment welcoming Kosovo’s application for EU membership was adopted, as well as the one calling for the 5 Member States who don’t recognize Kosovo’s independence to do so and emphasizing “the urgent need for the EU-led Pristina-Belgrade dialogue process to be intensified with the objective of normalising bilateral relations on the basis of mutual recognition.”
European Parliament also welcomed the start of accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia and urged “all relevant parties to pursue the necessary steps to enable Albania and North Macedonia’s swift progress.” The resolution reaffirmed EP’s support for the European future of the Western Balkan countries and called upon the Member States “to renew their commitment to enlargement by delivering on the EU’s commitments to the Western Balkan countries.”
The resolution emphasized the need for a “more active and effective communication strategy” to promote the benefits of enlargement and the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans.
EP called for investigation on Enlargement Commissioner
The European Parliament expressed deep concern “about reports that the Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Olivér Várhelyi deliberately seeks to circumvent and undermine the centrality of democracy and rule of law reforms in EU accession countries.”
Therefore, the MPs called on the Commission to launch an independent and impartial investigation into whether the behavior of Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi, who is not mentioned by name in this version of the resolution, is in accordance with the Code of Conduct for Commission Members and the Commissioner’s obligations by the Treaty.